In a new op-ed piece for FT, Fethullah Gülen calls for a new constitution, doubling criticism of PM Erdoğan

Fethullah Gulen has redoubled his criticism of Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, calling for a new constitution to rein in rights he says are under siege.

In some of his most explicit comments since the December eruption of the feud between the Turkish prime minister and his own movement, Mr Gulen wrote in the Financial Times that “a small group within the government’s executive branch is holding to ransom the entire country’s progress”.

He highlights recent laws passed by Mr Erdogan’s Islamist-rooted AK party that increase government controls over judicial appointments and internet access, while warning that a pending legislative proposal by the party “would give Turkey’s intelligence agency powers akin to those claimed by dictatorial regimes”.

In turn, the prime minister accuses Mr Gulen’s followers of establishing a “parallel state” within Turkish institutions that is plotting against the democratically elected administration.

Mr Gulen said in his article that his movement has “no interest in the privileges of power” and notes what he called his followers’ “purposeful absence from political office.” Despite calls from Mr Erdogan for the preacher to return to Turkey from the US, Mr Gulen adds that he would remain in “spiritual retreat” and would refrain from endorsing any political party.

However, Gulenist media now clearly favour the country’s opposition, and the AK party has accused Mr Gulen’s followers of trying to infiltrate large swaths of the Turkish state for political purposes, in addition to its strongholds in the judiciary and police service.

Mr Erdogan accuses the Gulenist movement of leaking tapes to the internet, in which the prime minister appears to be involved in illegal acts, such as hiding money from a corruption probe, interfering in state tenders and putting pressure on the judiciary. While Mr Erdogan says some of the tapes are the product of fabrication, he adds that the Gulenists were spying on himself, his family and many other officials.

“This is not a religious community at all,” Mr Erdogan said recently of Mr Gulen’s movement. “This is a completely political organisation that does everything, including espionage.”

Mr Gulen has denied such claims, while warning in his article that the government’s approach dangerously mixes politics and religion.

Although the preacher calls for a new constitution to guarantee Turkish citizens’ rights, an effort to agree a new charter recently collapsed after more than two years of effort with little prospect of a further initiative amid the political polarisation.

Recent days have seen a steady stream of tapes emerging, appearing to show Mr Erdogan orchestrating negative media coverage of the corruption inquiry, which he depicts as a Gulenist plot, as well as senior officials seeking to keep government expenditures from auditors and, in one instance, discussing a €10m bribe.

Here are some excerpts from Gülen’s Op-Ed in FT:

Trust and stability are fundamental to a nation’s development and to how the world perceives it. There is inherent trust in a democratic and accountable government that respects the rule of law. Turkey painstakingly built this trust over the past decade. Until recently it was seen as an example of a country that prospered while maintaining a democratic government run by observant Muslim leaders.

No longer. A small group within the government’s executive branch is holding to ransom the entire country’s progress. The support of a broad segment of the Turkish public is now being squandered, along with the opportunity to join the EU.

Several recent actions of the Turkish government have drawn strong criticism from the EU and other western countries – among them, a law that gives the justice minister powers to appoint and discipline judges and prosecutors; a bill to curb internet freedoms; and a draft law that would give Turkey’s intelligence agency powers akin to those claimed by dictatorial regimes.

After decades of coups and political dysfunction, the ruling AK party’s attempt to end military interference in domestic politics was necessary. Democratic reforms towards that end were praised by the EU and supported by a majority of Turks, as evidenced in the 2010 constitutional referendum.

But the dominance in politics that was once enjoyed by the military now appears to have been replaced by a hegemony of the executive. A dark shadow has been cast over achievements of the past decade – the result of insidious profiling of certain groups of Turkish citizens for their views, constant shuffling of civil servants for political convenience, and an unprecedented subjugation of the media, the judiciary and civil society.

The only way for the Turkish government to restore trust at home and regain respect abroad is by renewing its commitment to universal human rights, the rule of law and accountable governance.

This commitment must include a new, democratic constitution, drafted by civilians. Democracy does not conflict with Islamic principles of governance. Indeed, the ethical goals of Islam, such as protection of life and religious freedom, are best served in a democracy where citizens participate in government.

We also need to embrace certain values that form the fabric of a thriving nation. One such value is respect for diversity of all kinds – religious, cultural, social and political. This does not mean compromising on our beliefs. On the contrary, accepting every person – regardless of colour or creed – as a dignified creature of God demonstrates respect for the free will God has given all human beings.

Freedom of thought and expression are indispensable ingredients of democracy. Turkey’s poor showing in rankings of transparency and media freedom is disappointing. Mature people welcome criticism – which, if true, helps us improve. But we should criticise misguided ideas and actions, rather than individuals, to avoid creating unnecessary tensions.

The reductionist view of seeking political power in the name of a religion contradicts the spirit of Islam. When religion and politics are mixed, both suffer – religion most of all.

Every segment of Turkish society has a right to be represented in government. But the Turkish state has long discriminated against citizens and public servants on the basis of their views. Democratic inclusion will encourage people to disclose personal beliefs without fear of persecution.

Since the 1970s, participants in the Hizmet movement, who come from all walks of life, have worked to provide equal opportunity for all, through educational institutions, relief organisations and other civil society projects. Their primary motivations are intrinsic, as they seek to find happiness in the happiness of others.

Hizmet participants – and I consider myself one of them – are not political players and have no interest in the privileges of power. This is evident from their personal and financial commitment to humanitarian aid, education and dialogue, as well as their purposeful absence from political office.

Apart from encouraging citizens to vote, I have never endorsed or opposed a political party or candidate, and will refrain from doing so in future. I trust the wisdom of Turkish people and believe they will preserve democracy and hold the interests of the nation above partisan political concerns.

I have spent the past 15 years in spiritual retreat and, irrespective of what happens in Turkey, I intend to continue to do so. I pray that Turkey sees its current troubles as an opportunity to advance democracy, freedom and the rule of law.

To read the full article, click here. 

Reklamlar

About yavuzbaydar

Yavuz Baydar has been an award-winning Turkish journalist, whose professional activity spans nearly four decades. In December 2013, Baydar co-founded the independent media platform, P24, Punto24, to monitor the media sector of Turkey, as well as organizing surveys, and training workshops. Baydar wrote opinion columns, in Turkish, liberal daily Ozgur Dusunce and news site Haberdar, and in English, daily Today's Zaman, on domestic and foreign policy issues related to Turkey, and media matters, until all had to cease publications due to growing political oppression. Currently, he writes regular chronicles for Die Süddeutsche Zeitung, and opinion columns for the Arab Weekly, as well as analysis for Index on Censorship. Baydar blogs with the Huffington Post, sharing his his analysis and views on Turkish politics, the Middle East, Balkans, Europe, U.S-Turkish relations, human rights, free speech, press freedom, history, etc. His opinion articles appeared at the New York Times, the Guardian, El Pais, Svenska Dagbladet, and Al Jazeera English online. Turkey’s first news ombudsman, beginning at Milliyet daily in 1999, Baydar worked in the same role as reader representative until 2014. His work included reader complaints with content, and commentary on media ethics. Working in a tough professional climate had its costs: he was twice forced to leave his job, after his self-critical columns on journalistic flaws and fabricated news stories. Baydar worked as producer and news presenter in Swedish Radio &TV Corp. (SR) Stockholm, Sweden between 1979-1991; as correspondent for Scandinavia and Baltics for Turkish daily Cumhuriyet between 1980-1992, and the BBC World Service, in early 1990's. Returning to Turkey in 1994, he worked as reporter and ediytor for various outlets in print, as well as hosting debate porogrammes in public and private TV channels. Baydar studied informatics, cybernetics and, later, had his journalism ediucatiob in the University of Stockholm. Baydar served as president of the U.S. based International Organizaton of News Ombudsmen (ONO) in 2003. He was a Knight-Wallace Fellow at University of Michigan in 2004. Baydar was given the Special Award of the European Press Prize (EPP), for 'excellence in journalism', along with the Guardian and Der Spiegel in 2014. He won the Umbria Journalism Award in March 2014 and Caravella/Mare Nostrum Prize in 2015; both in Italy. Baydar completed an extensive research on self-censorship, corruption in media, and growing threats over journalism in Turkey as a Shorenstein Fellow at the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard.
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