When women in Turkey rise up

“I don’t care about being alone in the eyes of the world,” Recep Tayyip Erdoğan told a group of stenographs who call themselves “journalists” whom he regularly travels abroad with.

“What matters is how people view me,” he continued. “I saw during the presidential election that people side with me. There’s no isolation [of me] either when you consider people in other countries too. Maybe there is an isolation on the level of leaders, but it’s nothing other than envy.”

“I had very good relations with [Barack] Obama when he first came to power. We were even hosted at the White House as a family. We had one-on-one meetings. After all these talks, I saw that things started to develop in a different way, which I have a hard time understanding.”

Such statements are worrisome, true, but puzzling? No longer. The “me against the whole world” has become, to emphasize what one of his chief advisors had called, “precious solitude.”

The methodology to analyze this can no longer be reason-based because his outbursts and statements do not seem to stem from a rational, prudent mindset.

What it frames is a “worldview” based on delusions of grandeur pumped up by an inner circle whose unconditioned loyalty has driven the entire country, its well-established foreign policy staff, its diplomatic memory and experience to the brink.

The apparent isolation of Ankara is now at such a level that a president driving an erratic policy coupled with an antagonizing discourse not only lures the diplomatic corps of Turkey to the opposite corner but also leaves the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government in disarray.

The domestic scene resembles, day by day, a pressure cooker that is coming closer to the point of explosion. Social fault lines are growing as disheartened social groups are now seeking every gap, as it were, to show their emotions. The divisions are threatening whatever has remained of the stitches that keep society together and people in the opposing camps have also, day by day, become fearless, vocal.

This is the reason why the brutal killing of a young girl, Özgecan Aslan, led to a national outcry and relentless action by women. As if to say, enough is enough, they took to the streets, defied the imam’s pleas to remain back during her funeral prayers and are now taking the lead to show Erdoğan that his policies are threatening to ruin this country.

It is one thing to see Kurds, Alevis or Gezi youngsters venting their rage on the streets, it is another if women feel as though they have to do it. They are the ones in the opposition camp who feel, much more profoundly than men, that this vast mismanagement of society is pushing Turkey into large-scale domestic enmity and a violent confrontation.

Their actions result from a basic statistic: The number of women killed by men in Turkey have constantly been on the rise. It was 90 in 2009, 180 in 2010, 210 in 2012 and 294 in 2013.

If you recall Erdoğan’s recent statement that men and women are “not equals” you may not be surprised by the horror.

Yet it is now a new breakthrough moment that women are rising up.

Keep in mind that in Tunisia it was women’s unity, courage and resolve to take to the streets that was a key element in pushing back political Islam, forcing a compromise and a new constitution.

But in an internationally isolated, domestically torn Turkey, it is more difficult to predict what is next because the AK Party builds tension by employing official brutality, using the security apparatus in order to gain absolute power in the end.

“The rise in the murder of women is not a coincidence,” a colleague Mehmet Altan wrote yesterday.

“We might see a complete increase in state brutality and if the AK Party wins the elections, it will reach horrific levels. They are preparing fully for that. Their rhetoric, the draft laws they are preparing and their breaches of the Constitution are the harbingers of calamity we may all face,” he warned.

I hope he is wrong, but am afraid that he is not.

About yavuzbaydar

Yavuz Baydar 39 yıllık gazeteci. Mesleğe İsveç Radyosu'nda muhabir olarak başladı, oradan TV ve yazılı basına geçti. Sırasıyla Cumhuriyet İsveç muhabirliği, BBC Türkçe Servisi'nde yapımcı-sunuculuk, Yeni Yüzyıl'da dış haberler servis şefliği, Milliyet'te editörlük yaptı. 1999 yılı başında Milliyet Okur Temsilcisi olarak, medyada kurumsal bir 'özdenetim' yapısı olan ombudsmanlığı Türkiye'ye tanıtan ve ilk uygulayan kişi oldu. Bu görevi Milliyet ardından Sabah'ta da sürdürdü. Toplam 15 yıl süren bu görevi nedeniyle dünyanın en kıdemli ve 'uzman' ombudsmanlarından biri sayılıyor. Baydar, merkezi ABD'de bulunan Dünya Medya Ombudsmanları Örgütü'nde (ONO) başkanlık ve yürütme kurulu üyeliğini de üstlendi. Türkiye'ye döndüğü 1990'lı yılların ortasından bu yana çeşitli TV kanallarında başta Soru-Cevap olmak üzere çok sayıda analiz-tartışma programını hazırlayıp sunmuş olan Baydar, düzenli olarak Süddeutsche Zeitung ve The Arab Weekly için yorumlar yazmakta. Baydar, Ocak 2014'te bir grup meslektaşı ile beraber medya bağımsızlığı ve özgürlüğü alanında çalışmalar yürütmek üzere Bağımsız Gazetecilik Platformu'nun (P24) kurucu üyeleri arasında yer aldı. 2000 yılında 'Okur Temsilcisi' olarak yaptığı çalışmalar nedeniyle Çağdaş Gazeteciler Derneği'nin (ÇGD) Özel Ödülü'ne layık bulunan Baydar, 2014 yılında da, Avrupa'nın 'Pulitzer'i sayılan Avrupa Basın Ödülü'nü (EPP) 'meslekte mükemmeliyet' tanımlamasıyla aldı. 2004'te Michigan Üniversitesi'nde Knight-Wallace Araştırma Bursu ile 'Ortadoğu, demokrasi ve medya' konulu mesleki çalışmalar yapan Baydar, 2014 sonbaharında da Harvard Üniversitesi'ne bağlı Kennedy School'da 'Shorenstein Fellow' olarak Türkiye medyasında sansürün ve mali yozlaşmanın yayılmasını ele alan uzun bir rapor yayınladı. Baydar ayrıca Guardian, El Pais, New York Times gibi gazetelere de aralıklı olarak yorum ve analiz makaleleri yazıyor.
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