Erdoğan’s dream: New Turkey, Inc.

As Turkey’s advance toward authoritarian rule becomes clearer, we have all, as pundits, been engaged in finding a proper term to cover what “Erdoğan’s Way” really is.

“Despotism” and “autocracy” have been frequently used, but now I see Gökhan Bacık digging deeper into what he calls “tribalism” and Ömer Taşpınar attempting to bring to the coining process some sophistication by making — what, for President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, is rather a compliment — a suggestion on Turkish Gaullism, stretching the point somewhat.

Meanwhile, I am inclined to continue to suggest “Erdoğanismo,” which I believe on many points overlaps with the “Fujimorismo,” resolutely imposed by the former president of Peru, Alberto Fujimori, (which cost him his freedom).

My point is, what Şahin Alpay calls “presidentialism” does not need an excess of analysis here: It is pure and simple one-man rule — as opposed to Gaullist structures — without any checks and balances, with a demolished “Fourth Estate,” and a beaten and buckled civil society. This was Fujimori’s dream state, as he tried to gallop over rules and regulations, doing his best, though at the end not so successfully, to abolish the separation of powers and subordinate the media to his will.

A simple model, indeed.

But now, as we are tearing our hair out, President Erdoğan himself came closer to defining what the model in his dreams is, when he — breaching the Constitution for the umpteenth time in an address in Balıkesir — openly asked for 400 seats for the Justice and Development Party (AKP) to establish an executive presidency.

“Do you know what my issue is?” he asked the cheering crowd. “Turkey should be run like a corporation. Otherwise you are shackled, just like now, and it is impossible to walk.”

Welcome to “New Turkey Inc.”

This reminded me of what a powerful bank director in Turkey told me, once upon a time. The AKP had been in power for some years and we had started to note some disturbing signals from the then-Prime Minister Erdoğan, who had complained of some overruling decision made by the Council of State about some construction projects.

“In his heart and mind he wants to rule this country like a mayor manages a city,” the banker told me.

“He wants to redesign politics as a lucrative business, from A to Z.”

Politics has always been business, but once power is personalized, simplified to a system under a “big boss,” the story becomes dramatic. The now-tarnished graft probes, dating back to December 17 and 25, 2013, will remain historic cases and serve as documentation, a warning of what can be expected once the judiciary is out of the way and no longer a “nuisance.”

The Cumhuriyet daily — as one of the very few independent outlets still engaged in investigative journalism — has been reporting how İstanbul Public Housing Corporation (KİPTAŞ) executives have acquired a hefty list of valuable properties during their tenure, becoming super rich.

Cumhuriyet’s top investigative reporter, Çiğdem Toker, yesterday wrote that Erdoğan’s much-talked-about city hospitals project — with at least 15 hospitals — hit a wall because international investors have openly expressed doubts as to whether or not the rule of law applies in Turkey any longer.

It is clear that the holders of international capital see the “New Turkey Inc.” differently than its enthusiastic architect, who wants to be the supreme leader, unchecked and immune. Foreign direct investments in Turkey are plummeting.

As Adnan Nas, a top manager of Global Investment Holding told Today’s Zaman:

“There are two essentials that global capital looks for: macroeconomic stability and the rule of law. The rule of law doesn’t exist in Turkey. We have never managed it. We have evaded the EU reforms and the [accession] process has slowed down. Our willingness [to pass reforms] through the EU [accession process] has become questionable.”

What former President Abdullah Gül once underlined, and what now Deputy Prime Minister Ali Babacan and Central Bank of Turkey Governor Erdem Başçı have for some time been fighting for, is exactly this. What is turning Turkey into a slow loser in international competition is the lack of institutionalization, consistency in the rule of law, trust, predictability and rational, not erratic, behavior.

Given the latest, strong patterns of Erdoğan’s interventionism in all economic affairs, his “New Turkey Inc.” model has all the opposites, and is bound for failure, and eventually, disaster.

About yavuzbaydar

Yavuz Baydar 39 yıllık gazeteci. Mesleğe İsveç Radyosu'nda muhabir olarak başladı, oradan TV ve yazılı basına geçti. Sırasıyla Cumhuriyet İsveç muhabirliği, BBC Türkçe Servisi'nde yapımcı-sunuculuk, Yeni Yüzyıl'da dış haberler servis şefliği, Milliyet'te editörlük yaptı. 1999 yılı başında Milliyet Okur Temsilcisi olarak, medyada kurumsal bir 'özdenetim' yapısı olan ombudsmanlığı Türkiye'ye tanıtan ve ilk uygulayan kişi oldu. Bu görevi Milliyet ardından Sabah'ta da sürdürdü. Toplam 15 yıl süren bu görevi nedeniyle dünyanın en kıdemli ve 'uzman' ombudsmanlarından biri sayılıyor. Baydar, merkezi ABD'de bulunan Dünya Medya Ombudsmanları Örgütü'nde (ONO) başkanlık ve yürütme kurulu üyeliğini de üstlendi. Türkiye'ye döndüğü 1990'lı yılların ortasından bu yana çeşitli TV kanallarında başta Soru-Cevap olmak üzere çok sayıda analiz-tartışma programını hazırlayıp sunmuş olan Baydar, düzenli olarak Süddeutsche Zeitung ve The Arab Weekly için yorumlar yazmakta. Baydar, Ocak 2014'te bir grup meslektaşı ile beraber medya bağımsızlığı ve özgürlüğü alanında çalışmalar yürütmek üzere Bağımsız Gazetecilik Platformu'nun (P24) kurucu üyeleri arasında yer aldı. 2000 yılında 'Okur Temsilcisi' olarak yaptığı çalışmalar nedeniyle Çağdaş Gazeteciler Derneği'nin (ÇGD) Özel Ödülü'ne layık bulunan Baydar, 2014 yılında da, Avrupa'nın 'Pulitzer'i sayılan Avrupa Basın Ödülü'nü (EPP) 'meslekte mükemmeliyet' tanımlamasıyla aldı. 2004'te Michigan Üniversitesi'nde Knight-Wallace Araştırma Bursu ile 'Ortadoğu, demokrasi ve medya' konulu mesleki çalışmalar yapan Baydar, 2014 sonbaharında da Harvard Üniversitesi'ne bağlı Kennedy School'da 'Shorenstein Fellow' olarak Türkiye medyasında sansürün ve mali yozlaşmanın yayılmasını ele alan uzun bir rapor yayınladı. Baydar ayrıca Guardian, El Pais, New York Times gibi gazetelere de aralıklı olarak yorum ve analiz makaleleri yazıyor.
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