It’s Turkey’s very ‘elite’ that’s the significant part of the problem

Is Turkey’s elite part of the problem, or the solution?

This one is, definitely, part of the big question we are facing about the case of Turkey.

It’s the one I’ve had time to think about, even more than before these dark days, watching all our aspirations on democracy drifting away with accelerating speed.

My colleague, Sevgi Akarçeşme, who brifely served as the chief editor of Today’s Zaman until it was brutally seized and shut down by Turkish authorities, raises this question powefully, as she tells her personal ordeal in Europe recenty.

Weeks before the coup attempt, Akarçeşme left Turkey in rage, and in disillusion, when she witnessed a police raid at her newspaper.

She found shelter in Belgium, and had decided to continue her path as a fellow at a university in the USA.

”On July 27, just minutes before my flight from Brussels to Newark was due to take off, a United Airlines staff member approached and asked me to leave the plane” she tells in an article published by the New York Times.

Here is what happened:

I felt humiliated by the unspoken assumptions of nearby passengers, but I was not shocked: I knew that Turkey was canceling people’s passports to punish those it regarded as critics of its increasingly authoritarian government.

Back in March, the government seized control of the English-language newspaper Today’s Zaman, of which I was the editor in chief. I had fled Istanbul, my hometown, to avoid frepercussions, but the state was not satisfied with forcing journalists like me into exile.”

With my plans to work as a visiting fellow at the City University of New York seemingly in ruins, I couldn’t help shedding tears as I was escorted to the airport police station. I discovered there that my passport had been revoked two days earlier, making me one of more than 50,000 Turkish citizens who had their travel documents canceled as part of the purge that followed the attempted coup on July 15.

A few hours before my flight, I’d awakened to a message from a neighbor in Istanbul that the police had raided my apartment. Given the arrests of colleagues trapped in Turkey, I’d known that this was a matter of when, rather than if. A warrant for my detention was issued the same day. My neighbor in Istanbul was extremely nervous and asked me to delete all our messages.”

The police confiscated a couple of books, I later learned, one of which was in English and had a cover photo that featured the word “coup.” These days, in Turkey, that’s enough “evidence” to get you arrested and accused of terrorist activity.

The coup attempt was despicable and, despite the huge dragnet of arrests, has not been properly investigated — yet within hours, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan called it “a gift of God.” No wonder: It gave him a perfect pretext to root out anyone not completely loyal to him.

Turkey now seems to me on an irreversible path toward dictatorship.

The social climate was polluted by the introduction on ‘domestic enemies’, in which the chief blame was put on Gülen Movement, declared in official language as the ‘mother of all evil’ over what’s happening in the country. (Soon afterwards, the target was coupled by the addition of the pro-Kurdish party HDP, and its sympathizers, voters, so on.)

Akarçeşme complains, rightfully, about the destructive effects of the climate, where flock mentality helped cause havoc and internal enmity in society.

‘Politicians from across the spectrum jumped on the bandwagon to label the movement the Fethullah Terrorist Organization, or FETO, despite the absence of any credible proof of terrorist activity’ she writes and comes to the point:

They were joined by numerous commentators and newspaper columnists, even self-described liberals, who uncritically adopted and legitimized this evidence-less label.

We expect despots to create enemies, foreign and domestic, in order to rally the nation behind them. But what to say about Turkey’s craven elites? On Sept. 1, senior judges gave Mr. Erdogan a standing ovation at his lavish palace as the president confirmed himself as the head of the legislature, the executive and the judiciary. Turkey is a society of black and white; there are no shades of gray. Intellectuals are not immune from this dichotomy. In such a climate, genuine democrats — already in short supply — can barely make themselves heard.

This selective application of democratic rights by Turkey’s intelligentsia only helps Mr. Erdogan consolidate his power. In their double standards, he finds tacit approval for his purges. Turkey lacks not only sturdy institutions that guarantee a system of checks and balances and the rule of law, but also a critical mass of citizens with the courage and integrity to demand them.

..as I look on at my homeland and the failure of Turkey’s intelligentsia, I find it hard not to despair.

chp

Rather than the limited scope of intelligentsia as she describes it, it’s the the elite of Turkey, in a broader sense, which encompasses also major business circles, bureaucracy and even members of bar associations that have contributed to the problem.

When the country was clearly facing a one-party domination, they did almost nothing to push for an alternative, that could challenge the AKP during its rule over 14 years; and create a reasonable symmetry in the political stage.

All this elite did was to sit back, partly in fear, partly in apathy, partly in cynicism, and watch scheme towards autocratic rule develop.

The elite itself was part of the acrimonius polarisation, and it still remains so.

Why?

One explanation is the ‘fear of the state’, which has taken root in the DNA of this timid elite. For decades it has been fiercely dependent to the mercy of the state institutions and leaders – earlier, the military; now, the AKP – who ran them stiffly.

Another aspect is the ‘well-offness’ of this segment. It is well-heeled, in other words, and simply does not bother.

Thus, the absence of civilian courage; a collective indifference, which makes the conditions even worse.

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About yavuzbaydar

Yavuz Baydar 39 yıllık gazeteci. Mesleğe İsveç Radyosu'nda muhabir olarak başladı, oradan TV ve yazılı basına geçti. Sırasıyla Cumhuriyet İsveç muhabirliği, BBC Türkçe Servisi'nde yapımcı-sunuculuk, Yeni Yüzyıl'da dış haberler servis şefliği, Milliyet'te editörlük yaptı. 1999 yılı başında Milliyet Okur Temsilcisi olarak, medyada kurumsal bir 'özdenetim' yapısı olan ombudsmanlığı Türkiye'ye tanıtan ve ilk uygulayan kişi oldu. Bu görevi Milliyet ardından Sabah'ta da sürdürdü. Toplam 15 yıl süren bu görevi nedeniyle dünyanın en kıdemli ve 'uzman' ombudsmanlarından biri sayılıyor. Baydar, merkezi ABD'de bulunan Dünya Medya Ombudsmanları Örgütü'nde (ONO) başkanlık ve yürütme kurulu üyeliğini de üstlendi. Türkiye'ye döndüğü 1990'lı yılların ortasından bu yana çeşitli TV kanallarında başta Soru-Cevap olmak üzere çok sayıda analiz-tartışma programını hazırlayıp sunmuş olan Baydar, düzenli olarak Süddeutsche Zeitung ve The Arab Weekly için yorumlar yazmakta. Baydar, Ocak 2014'te bir grup meslektaşı ile beraber medya bağımsızlığı ve özgürlüğü alanında çalışmalar yürütmek üzere Bağımsız Gazetecilik Platformu'nun (P24) kurucu üyeleri arasında yer aldı. 2000 yılında 'Okur Temsilcisi' olarak yaptığı çalışmalar nedeniyle Çağdaş Gazeteciler Derneği'nin (ÇGD) Özel Ödülü'ne layık bulunan Baydar, 2014 yılında da, Avrupa'nın 'Pulitzer'i sayılan Avrupa Basın Ödülü'nü (EPP) 'meslekte mükemmeliyet' tanımlamasıyla aldı. 2004'te Michigan Üniversitesi'nde Knight-Wallace Araştırma Bursu ile 'Ortadoğu, demokrasi ve medya' konulu mesleki çalışmalar yapan Baydar, 2014 sonbaharında da Harvard Üniversitesi'ne bağlı Kennedy School'da 'Shorenstein Fellow' olarak Türkiye medyasında sansürün ve mali yozlaşmanın yayılmasını ele alan uzun bir rapor yayınladı. Baydar ayrıca Guardian, El Pais, New York Times gibi gazetelere de aralıklı olarak yorum ve analiz makaleleri yazıyor.
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