Corruption allegations put the AKP cabinet in moral siege

First, an update and a background, as reported by Today’s Zaman:

The investigation, known as an operation against bribery and corruption, started a year ago when the National Police Department’s Anti-smuggling and Organized Crime Bureau received a tip. The letter said areas designated by municipalities as SİT (protected) areas in İstanbul had been opened for construction after the Ministry of the Environment and Urban Planning exercised its authority.

The tip also included information that high-level bureaucrats, relatives of ministers and businessmen made tremendous amounts of profit in these development schemes. The bureau then forwarded the letter to the İstanbul Police Department’s financial crimes unit for investigation. The İstanbul police then sought permission from prosecutors for technical and physical pursuit of suspects. Police then pursued and wiretapped the suspects. Private conversations among the suspects were recorded in detail. The information they acquired was constantly shared with prosecutors supervising the investigation.

The investigation revealed that the group benefited by illegally using the authority of the Ministry of the Environment and Urban Planning through bribes and used Minister Bayraktar’s son. Thanks to the graft, land designated as protected areas in İstanbul that had not been authorized for construction by local İstanbul municipalities were opened to construction.

In addition, the group also used the authority of the ministry to open SİT areas for construction within the boundaries of the Fatih Municipality in İstanbul. SİT areas are protected sites where construction is forbidden. Despite a serious threat to the Marmaray rail link, several areas were also opened to construction.

The suspects are accused of rigging state tenders, accepting and facilitating bribes for some major urbanization projects, obtaining construction permits for protected areas in exchange of money, helping foreigners to obtain Turkish citizenship through falsified documents, involvement in export fraud, forgery of documents and gold smuggling. There are also claims that the suspects illegally sold historic artifacts that were unearthed during excavations of the Marmaray project, which connects Europe and Asia with a railway tube under the Bosporus.

Ministers Güler and Çağlayan cancelled their programs for Tuesday. The two ministers did not immediately speak to the media about the detention of their sons. Güler reportedly said he had ordered the investigation and that “what is necessary will be done” even if his son is involved.

İstanbul Mayor Kadir Topbaş said he had no detailed knowledge about the operation or detentions and that he was following the developments from the media.

Police teams also searched the headquarters of state-run lender Halkbank in Ankara.

Halkbank shares fell as much as 5 percent after reports of the police search emerged. Officials from the bank could not immediately be reached for comment.

Halkbank has been criticized by Western officials for engaging in oil-for-gold exchanges with Iran. It is suspected that some several tons of gold may have been traded with Iran for oil. According to Turkish media reports last year, Turkey exchanged nearly 60 tons of gold for several million tons of Iranian crude oil, despite its promises to observe Western sanctions on Iran’s energy sector. By using gold instead of money, Turkey is able to skirt Western sanctions on Iran’s oil trade, particularly those pertaining to SWIFT, the global money transfer service that until recently assisted the Central Bank of Iran and other Iranian financial institutions.

Turkish officials, however, denied the charges that the government trades gold for oil.

The developments, and fears of a deepening political row, weighed on Turkish markets. The main stock index was down 2 percent at 73,350 points, well below a 0.19 percent rise in the wider emerging markets index.

Police also searched the headquarters of the Ağaoglu Group of construction magnate Ağaoglu, its chief executive Hasan Rahvalı told the media. “We are talking about a large-scale investigation here. It is not focused on Ali Ağaoğlu,” Rahvalı stated. “This investigation is related to claims of bribery against some public officials. They searched the company in the early hours of this morning but could not find any criminal evidence.”

Rahvalı also said Ağaoğlu had been asked by the police to come and make a statement as part of the investigation.

In addition, businessman Zarrab was reportedly staying at his waterside residence in İstanbul’s Kanlıca neighborhood when police officers detained him. Media reports said the police seized a large number of documents from Zarrab’s residence and took them to a police station for examination.

According to the media, police tightened up their technical surveillance of Zarrab after 27 kilograms of gold were seized at Atatürk Airport in İstanbul earlier this year. The gold reportedly belonged to Zarrab, who owns jewelry stores in Iran and who is allegedly exporting Turkish gold to that country.

Security sources said Zarrab stands accused of involvement in export fraud through fake documents. Zarrab also allegedly acquired Turkish citizenship for several foreigners by bribing sons of Turkish ministers.

Iran’s role in the increased gold exports of Turkey has been discussed earlier. The mass purchase of Turkey’s gold is being undertaken by rich Iranian families living in Turkey. There are rumors that these families purchase Turkish gold via third persons in order to escape attention and that they entrust the purchased gold to the Central Bank of the Islamic Republic of Iran (CBI), again via third persons. The CBI supports the purchases in order to gain strength in the face of increasing sanctions from European countries.

İstanbul prosecutors who are overseeing a major probe into alleged bribery linked to public tenders will ask the Turkish Parliament to lift the immunity of four ministers linked to corruption, bribery and the forgery of documents, a Turkish media outlet reported on Tuesday.

Kanal D said İstanbul Prosecutor Celal Kara will send an official request to Parliament to lift the immunity of the four ministers in order to lay out the legal basis of the investigation given the fact that the ministers cannot be summoned as part of the probe without the lifting of their immunity.

İstanbul Prosecutors Zekeriya Öz and Celal Kara extended the scope of the investigation and are considering including the ministers into the probe following strong suspicion of their involvement.

The sons of three of the ministers are currently among the detainees in the investigation into alleged bribery linked to public tenders.’

Let us add that the police found 4.5 million dollars in cash at the house of the CEO of Halkbank. Add also that, as reported by Radikal daily, that the ‘Minister A’ received $ 500.000, ‘Minister B’ $ 20 million and ‘Minister C’ $ 1.5 millions in bribes, handed by Zorrab.

The unfolding probe puts Erdoğan into the most tight squeeze in his so far unchallenged career. He has not changed his battling mood, and countered that ‘we shall not kneel’. His followers and supporters in the media are busy staving off the probe, and talk about a new international-led conspiracy.

Erdoğan’s is a risky defiance, if he continues this path. The ministers do not seem keen on stepping down, so he should normally – at best – suspend them from duty. He has not shown any intention to do so yet.

But, the longer his defiance, the bigger the crisis, and lower the confidence. How he will handle the situation will define a lot in Turkish politics, which faces three consecutive elections 2014-15.

The recent editorial of the Guardian sums up the mess Turkey has been pulled in by one erratic decision after the other.

‘Through all the disappointments that have followed the Arab spring, liberals inside and outside the Middle East have been able to say thatTurkey was standing proof that Islam and democracy were compatible. But what has been happening recently suggests a critical examination of this belief is in order.

The harsher side of Turkey’s system was revealed to the world earlier this year when the prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, spectacularly mishandled a rally against a mall development in Gezi Park in Istanbul. He turned a demonstration that was initially about conservation and town planning into a nationwide protest against his style of rule, involving millions of people. Throughout the crisis, Mr Erdogan’s comments showed that he neither understood nor respected the views of his opponents. It was left to more moderate and politically sensitive members of his AK (Justice and Development) party to restore a measure of calm; but what could not so easily be restored was Mr Erdogan’s credit with a significant portion of the younger generation.

The Gezi Park affair prompted a wider reconsideration of the changes in Turkey since the victory of the AKP in the general election of 2002. Many good things followed that election. The Kemalist minority who had for many decades unfairly dominated the more traditional majority were put in their place. So were Turkey’s over-mighty armed forces. The economy boomed. Steps were taken toward a settlement with the marginalised Kurdish minority.

This all represented a kind of liberalisation, yet the way it was done sometimes suggested the opposite. The old secular elite was pushed out of the bureaucracy, ministry by ministry. The army was cut down through investigations into coup plots for which the evidence was problematic but which put many officers and journalists behind bars, some for life.

The economic boom was facilitated by developments pushed through with little regard for the people displaced by them, or for the environment. The pattern could be seen as indicating a desire to subordinate or pre-empt all forces capable of challenging the government.

Now the AKP’s former allies in Hizmet, a moderate Islamist movement, have been targeted, perhaps because their small share of the vote could nevertheless tip the balance toward the opposition in coming elections.

Mr Erdogan meanwhile continues to instruct the nation on everything from diet (brown bread is best) to family planning (every couple should have three children). If he is capable of it, which remains a question, he should hector less and listen more. A new Turkey has emerged during his years in charge. Now he and his party need to learn to live with what they have helped to create.

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About yavuzbaydar

Yavuz Baydar has been an award-winning Turkish journalist, whose professional activity spans nearly four decades. In December 2013, Baydar co-founded the independent media platform, P24, Punto24, to monitor the media sector of Turkey, as well as organizing surveys, and training workshops. Baydar wrote opinion columns, in Turkish, liberal daily Ozgur Dusunce and news site Haberdar, and in English, daily Today's Zaman, on domestic and foreign policy issues related to Turkey, and media matters, until all had to cease publications due to growing political oppression. Currently, he writes regular chronicles for Die Süddeutsche Zeitung, and opinion columns for the Arab Weekly, as well as analysis for Index on Censorship. Baydar blogs with the Huffington Post, sharing his his analysis and views on Turkish politics, the Middle East, Balkans, Europe, U.S-Turkish relations, human rights, free speech, press freedom, history, etc. His opinion articles appeared at the New York Times, the Guardian, El Pais, Svenska Dagbladet, and Al Jazeera English online. Turkey’s first news ombudsman, beginning at Milliyet daily in 1999, Baydar worked in the same role as reader representative until 2014. His work included reader complaints with content, and commentary on media ethics. Working in a tough professional climate had its costs: he was twice forced to leave his job, after his self-critical columns on journalistic flaws and fabricated news stories. Baydar worked as producer and news presenter in Swedish Radio &TV Corp. (SR) Stockholm, Sweden between 1979-1991; as correspondent for Scandinavia and Baltics for Turkish daily Cumhuriyet between 1980-1992, and the BBC World Service, in early 1990's. Returning to Turkey in 1994, he worked as reporter and ediytor for various outlets in print, as well as hosting debate porogrammes in public and private TV channels. Baydar studied informatics, cybernetics and, later, had his journalism ediucatiob in the University of Stockholm. Baydar served as president of the U.S. based International Organizaton of News Ombudsmen (ONO) in 2003. He was a Knight-Wallace Fellow at University of Michigan in 2004. Baydar was given the Special Award of the European Press Prize (EPP), for 'excellence in journalism', along with the Guardian and Der Spiegel in 2014. He won the Umbria Journalism Award in March 2014 and Caravella/Mare Nostrum Prize in 2015; both in Italy. Baydar completed an extensive research on self-censorship, corruption in media, and growing threats over journalism in Turkey as a Shorenstein Fellow at the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard.
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2 Responses to Corruption allegations put the AKP cabinet in moral siege

  1. Pingback: Estambul: la ciudad que genera continentes | Titulares de Chile

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